Russia Presented a Possible Deal Braker

by Samuli Sinisalo

On wednesday, the COP plenary discussed Russias proposal to amend the UN Framework Convention on Climate change.

In the convention countries are divided into different cathegories – and have different responsibilities – according to their development status. These annexes are Annex 1, which includes all the developed countries. have legally binding emission reduction targets in the Kyoto Protocol.

There is also another annex, called the Annex 2. That is a group of countries who, in addition to the responsibilities laid out for all Annex 1 countries, have the responsibility to provide financial assisstance to the developing countries, or non-Annex 1 countries. In practice Annex 2 includes all the A1 countries, except the Eastern European economies in transition.

The developing countries are known non-Annex 1 countries. They have no legally binding emission reduction commitments under the Convention, or the the Kyoto Protocol. Their primary concern is development and poverty eradication – not cutting emissions.

The problem is that this division was created twenty years ago, in 1991. Since then a lot has happened – many countries that were underdeveloped two decades ago are now seen as the global economic engines, notably the BASIC countries, Brazil, South-Africa, India and China.

Especially the United States has had problems to accept emission reduction targets, while the BASICs have no obligations to reduce their emissions as they are non-Annex 1 countries.

On wednesday afternoon the the COP plenary discussed Russias proposal to add a mechanism to the convention that would enable this division from 1991 to be reviewed by the COP periodically. This idea received wide support from the COP, only Saudi-Arabia spoke against it saying that the historic responsibility that the developed countries have on climate change has not changed since 1991.

The President of COP 17 will take this proposal forward and take it to consultations. If designed carefully, this could help open the deadlock that climate negotiations have been in for several years.

The Initial African Presence

by Julian Velez

At the Conference of the Youth (COY7) the presence of the African youth was very noticeable, in fact they set the mood for the following three days. The “We Have Faith Youth Climate Justice Caravan” that had over a hundred and seventy youth brought a very strong sense of unity, inspiration and joyfulness to the conference. Their uplifted energy and strong commitment for taking action and connecting with the youth from around the world, occupied the atmosphere of the conference and also became a contagious attitude of engagement. It was a particularly binding agent for the rest of the African youth. All of this excitement and attitude of engagement that was harvested created the right ground for the South African Youth Climate Coalition to be formed with the vision of uniting all young South Africans across all borders in the fight for climate justice and a sustainable future. This was the main highlight of the conference.

I left with this experience to attend the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC).

The first thing at the Opening Plenary of the convention was the ceremony to present the new President of the COP17/CMP7 Maite Nkoana-Mashabane. With this also came the statements of the different parties that where representing different groups. The voices of the African countries and the Least Developed Countries (LDC´s) was very strong and advocated for big commitments specially form the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS), the Central African Group, and the Bolivarian Alliance of the Americas (ALBA) .

I can see that the fact that the conference is being held at an African country and that the President of the conference is African, can help set a certain tone for the conference That will allow  the position of the developing countries in particular the African ones to be more noticed. Not to mean that the agreements are going to favor the African positions but there will be more chance for that voice to be heard. Nevertheless I think that the outcome of the convention will not be very bright for the developing countries. There is a lot of empty political jargon that camouflages the deals that are not made in open meetings.

 

 

 

Climate-Stupid Agriculture @ the UNFCCC

by Trudi Zundel
With food security threatened throughout the developing world, the global community has been paying a lot more attention to the effect of climate change on agriculture. More volatile weather patterns makes planning crop rotations difficult; higher concentration of rain patterns, whether dry or wet spells, means that fields either dry out or wash away–and farmers have little indication of which pattern will come when. The 2°C warming that Parties agreed to in Cancun is predicted by the IPCC to result in a 4-5 degree warming across Africa, which would pose an unimaginable threat to agriculture in the region. Needless to say small-shareholder farmers, who constitute the majority of farmers worldwide, are in desperate need of resources to help them adapt to their new conditions.

One way of the best ways of adapting is to increase the resilience of the farming ecosystem–agroecology (or sustainable agriculture in general, but that definition can be interpreted in many ways) is a way of farming that is modelled after a natural ecosystem: incorporating biodiversity, compost, mulches, perhaps a bit of agroforestry.
One thing that’s important to know about soils is that they can take carbon out of the air. I’m not a soil scientist, but I trust that this is true. The “richer” or “healthier” a soil is, the more carbon it can fix, or sequester. Sustainable agricultural practices improve the soil sequestration rate—how much carbon soils are able to take out of the air. In an ideal world, this wouldn’t be a problem: farmers would have more resilient land, and more carbon would happen to be removed from the atmosphere. However, here in the sad reality of the UNFCCC, where profits take priority over people and the market reigns supreme, soil sequestration could be the death of a meaningful adaptation programme for agriculture. Policy-makers who are looking for new ways to mitigate climate change have latched onto this fact, and want to use soil carbon sequestration to create a new carbon offset market.
The World Bank has been subversively spearheading the idea of climate-smart agriculture— sustainable agriculture that is a triple-win: farmers increase food security, adapt to climate change, and carbon is mitigated. The Bank also happens to be one of the organizations most likely to profit from soil carbon markets. It is not interested in an agricultural work programme that would benefit the poor, but instead in the profits it thinks it can make from a market (after all, it is a bank first).
Many policy-makers are saying that climate-smart agriculture is the ideal intersection of adaptation and mitigation. The problem is that mitigation for offsets must be quantified. That means measuring, reporting, and verifying the amount of carbon stored in the soil–which leads to technocratic experts coming onto small-shareholders’ farms to tell them what practices will maximize soil sequestration. While land may end up being more resilient under these projects, it will most likely just be a co-benefit—despite claims from the World Bank and FAO of the opposite. farmers’ sovereignty over their own land will naturally be compromised if they don’t have complete control over their own practices. What’s worse, they’ll be dictated practices that maximize mitigation; there’s no money to be made off of adaptation for adaptation’s sake.

Where’s agriculture in the text?

We’re at a dangerous point now: for a few years Parties have been trying to push an agricultural work programme under Article 1. b. iv of the Bali Action Plan, which is “sectoral approaches to enhance mitigation.” If agriculture is under mitigation, there really is nothing guaranteeing funding for agricultural adaptation. There has been some talk in Durban about an agricultural work programme somewhere in adaptation… this is also not to be trusted. Given the rampant expansionism of carbon markets under REDD+, any inclusion of agriculture could be twisted to legitimize soil carbon markets.
Food and agricultural organizations are very excited about climate-smart agriculture; it actually seems to be becoming a buzz-word, appearing in several publications from different organizations. The side events about climate-smart appear to be focussed on justifying the need for sustainable agriculture in the first place: statistics, charts, and graphs about how innovation increases food security. I always forget that the world is far behind—the inherent value of sustainable agriculture isn’t assumed. Organizations in support of climate-smart agriculture are too focused on justifying the benefits of sustainable agriculture, and don’t understand the subtler threats of its place under mitigation (or don’t care).

It seems likely that agriculture will make it into the text somewhere in a Durban outcome, especially if a text is presented at the end like in Cancun. Zuma has publicly said that he wants a work programme for agriculture; the World Bank has been attended African agricultural ministerials all year to try and get them on board. In general, civil society seems wary of the work programme and its not-so-subtle connection to carbon markets.

 

Like I said in my last blog, developing countries have to be really, really wary of false solutions here in Durban. Countries are feeling pressure for a successful outcome, but aren’t willing to make any concessions—instead, they’re using their resources and creativity to assemble solutions that make them look good. An agricultural work programme looks good, especially given that this is an African COP, but it is a wolf very cleverly disguised in sheep’s clothing.

Technology Transfer and Intellectual Property Rights – Not as Scary as it Sounds

by Anjali Appadurai

The climate regime is huge, transboundary, multidimensional. The UNFCCC, being the only body facilitating multilateral negotiations on climate change, is made up of a maze of different issues and tracks. The fundamental premise of the climate debate is that developed and developing countries are responsible to different extents for the current level of global emissions, but are also vulnerable to different extents. Under the foundational principles of “historical responsibility”, “common but differentiated responsibility” and “polluter pays”, developed countries have the responsibility to support their developing neighbours in mitigation of and adaptation to the effects of climate change.

How can they support them? Through finance, through capacity-building, and through technology transfer. Tech Transfer is a crucial area under the UNFCCC. In order to fulfill the increasingly more stringent emissions targets that are imposed upon them, developing countries need access to clean technologies. There is a fundamental tension in the climate world: developed countries got to the level of affluence  they are at through intense carbon-heavy industrialization. Now developing countries want their chance to do the same, but we have already run out of atmospheric space. Providing access to clean technologies enables developing countries to develop “sustainably”, using fewer emissions. The idea is to transition to a low-carbon economy.

What are the problems with tech transfer within the UNFCCC? The most contentious one is the issue of Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs). IPRs, usually in the form of patents, limit access to transboundary flows of technology and information. You may have heard of IPRs in the context of their most controversial subject – generic pharmaceutical drugs. IPRs that are too restrictive give the market power over technologies that should (we think) be available to all countries who need them. They raise prices above the social optimal level, making technology and information too expensive for some and affordable for others. IPRs also grant the right to limit the development of certain technologies past a certain point – one of the things that make them particularly harmful for economies in transition. IPRs essentially block or limit access to clean technologies that would otherwise help developing countries with their mitigation targets; in fact, developed countries are required to provide these technologies. Article 4.5 of the Convention states:

The developed country Parties and other developed Parties included in Annex II shall take all practicable steps to promote, facilitate and finance, as appropriate, the transfer of, or access to, environmentally sound technologies and know-how to other Parties, particularly developing country Parties, to enable them to implement the provisions of the Convention. In this process, the developed country Parties shall support the development and enhancement of endogenous capacities and technologies of developing country Parties. Other Parties and organizations in a position to do so may also assist in facilitating the transfer of such technologies.

It’s a two-sided coin, though, because IPRs also provide incentive for innovation in clean technologies. The transition to a low-emission economy can only occur through constant development and refinement of new and existing technologies. Without IPRs, the private sector really has no incentive to keep producing technologies (or so they say). The challenge is to keep IPRs at a balanced level which allows for an adequate flow of information, technology and training across borders, while finding ways to incentivize innovation. It is here that the public sector comes in as a crucial component. There must be a balance between private IP rights and public policy regulation.

It is this balance that is a source of conflict within the UNFCCC. Some countries don’t believe that IPRs are too stringent, or that more transfer of information and technology is needed for increased mitigation. Some other countries firmly state that increased flows of technology are needed in order for countries to be able to transition to cleaner economies. Enter TRIPS, or Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights – an agreement under the World Trade Organization (WTO), and the most comprehensive standard in the world for minimum IPR protection. Article 7 of TRIPS states that the objective of IPRs should be to contribute “to the promotion of technological innovation and to the transfer and dissemination of technology, to the mutual advantage of producers and users of technological knowledge and in a manner conducive to social and economic welfare...” Article 8 also says that measures “may be needed to prevent the abuse of intellectual property rights by right holders or the resort to practices which … adversely affect the international transfer of technology.”

It sounds great, doesn’t it? Well, the devil is always in the details. It’s highly questionable whether TRIPS actually facilitates a fair balance between technology transfer and IPRs. It doesn’t, for example, provide a comprehensive framework for national and international policies – which is of course an essential component in the IPR/tech transfer balance. Also, prior to the creation of TRIPS, over 40 countries didn’t provide patent protection to pharmaceutical companies. TRIPS granted these companies all the patent protection they wanted and more. If IPRs provide incentive for the private sector to innovate, couldn’t the public sector provide alternative incentives to achieve the same thing? Perhaps subsidies? Well TRIPS also calls for that, but studies have shown very little connection between what its member countries end up doing and what the Agreement itself calls for. There are no safeguards, no follow-up mechanisms to make sure that technology is being delivered. TRIPS has been widely criticized for facilitating the redistribution of wealth disproportionately to the private sector, as well as imposing IPR laws on sectors or countries that would otherwise have had less stringent standards, thereby creating an artificial shortage of information and technology. By trying to facilitate global technology transfer by regulating IPR laws, TRIPS actually limits some countries while giving other countries (or rather, their private sectors) way too much leeway. It actually limits both innovation and technology transfer while limiting access to crucial technologies such as life-saving drugs, but let’s return to its relevance under the UNFCCC…

TRIPS provides a number of flexibility mechanisms which provide room for countries to adjust their own IPR laws in certain sectors. There are a few types of flexibilities, including compulsory licensing, exceptions to patent rights, and voluntary licenses. Within the UNFCCC, there is currently a heated debate going on about the inclusion of TRIPS flexibilities in the official text of the Convention, giving developing countries some allowances for the increase transfer of clean technology. India is the most vociferous proponent and the original Party to spearhead this debate. Obviously, developed countries have no intention of allowing the UNFCCC to punch some holes in their airtight IPR and trade regimes. Their argument is that TRIPS is a separate entity form the UNFCCC, and should not be dragged into climate talks. To this developing countries reply that TRIPS is the most comprehensive multilateral agreement on IPRs and therefore is the most effective mechanism to target in order to create an optimal clean technology regime. India has been joined by many other developing countries – most notably Ecuador, Bolivia, Bangladesh and China – in calling for a full discussion of the limits of IPR within the discussions of technology transfer under the UNFCCC. IPRs are a contentious issue and talks over these are kept very hush-hush at the conference, which is why I probably won’t be writing updates in this area until the very end when official decisions are made.

There is plenty more to come on technology transfer under the UNFCCC – IPRs are just the tip (or rather, TRIP) of the iceberg, but they are one of the main blockages to tech transfer at this conference.