Agriculture, Aviation, and Article 4.1.(c): a report-back from Sector Specific Approaches

by Trudi Zundel

Yesterday Parties met for the first time to talk about cooperative sectoral approaches and sector-specific actions under the Working Group on Long-Term Cooperative Action. Sectoral approaches are simply work programmes that are specific to different sectors, like agriculture, aviation, or waste managment, for example.

These sector-specific actions are supposed to “enhance the implementation of Article 4. 1(c) of the Convention,” which details the commitments of countries that are members of the UNFCCC. It basically says, in so many words, that countries need to develop and implement practices that “control, reduce, or prevent” greenhouse gas emissions from their sectors.

This is an important area of the negotiations (if you could find an area that wasn’t important). Here, countries are supposed to design programmes to deal with reducing emissions across the whole economy, although to date the only programmes being developed are under agriculture and bunker fuels. For context, this is where the negotiations on whether or not there will be a work programme on agriculture under mitigation.

For years countries have been trying to put together a framework for work programmes, but negotiations have only resulted in an ever-growing document that lays out the different versions that countries would like to see, in separate “options.” Now they are trying to combine those options into one text that can be negotiated, and the key disagreements are coming to a head.

There are three main parts to the framework currently: the general framework, which explains the principles and values that the specific programmes should comply by; an agricultural work programme, which is one of the main Durban priorities for South Africa and the African Union; and a work programme on bunker fuels, which would reduce emissions from air and marine transport–something that would seriously affect trade.

What does it matter what the framework looks like? Several developed countries are questioning the need for any general framework at all–the US, Australia, and New Zealand think that, since each sector is unique, no framework could be relevant to all of them and that it’s better to leave out a framework and only  include considerations that are relevant in each specific sector’s programme. However, the principles expressed in the general framework are important because they will determine how much developing countries have to do. The UNFCCC convention contains the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, which essentially means that developed countries have more commitments than developing countries because they have more resources and of historical responsibility (which are  two of the reasons why only developed countries are legally bound to reduce their emissions under the Kyoto Protocol). Developing countries are determined to have that aspect of the Convention expressed in the general framework, otherwise they may be bound to commitments they cannot uphold… leaving out the general framework seems like a ploy to sneak around the parts of the Convention that they don’t like, though: if developed countries aren’t willing to explicitly state common but differentiated responsibilities in the general framework, it’s unlikely that they’ll be excited to state it in specific sectoral programmes.

Developing countries want to have more than just common but differentiated responsibilities included– some of the options include paragraphs on ensuring that programmes don’t affect food security, contribute to reducing poverty, and don’t negatively affect trade.

A lot of countries said that they were committed to having an agricultural work programme come out of Durban. However, Argentina was also very clear that there would be no agricultural work programme without a general framework; developing countries in general, including Brazil, India, and China, are holding fast that there needs to be a general framework before agreeing to details on sectoral programmes.

What does all of this mean, going into the second week? A new draft of the LCA text, which still isn’t a draft negotiating document, came out this morning.

1. The new LCA text includes common but differentiated responsibilities in the general framework… The text hasn’t been negotiated yet, though, so who knows what will happen.

2. It’s likely that the LCA will request the Subsidiary Body on Scientific and Technological Advice to develop a work programme on agriculture as part of the Durban outcome–both developing and developed countries have said that that is one of their goals, and the request is included in the newest LCA note.  NGOs are fighting hard against this, as the work programme on agriculture is under an Article that deals with mitigation, will almost certainly result in soil carbon markets. The World Bank is throwing its entire weight behind developing it, and is chomping at the bit for the go-ahead from the UNFCCC that would legitimize it.

3. There might be some language about bunker fuels, but the text is still convoluted with different options. For that we’ll have to wait and see.

4. Either way, for better or for worse, it looks like sectoral approaches, which have been under consideration for so many years, will be reflected in the final Durban outcome.

 

Youth is wasted on the young (?)

by Nathan Thanki

Let me preface everything that follows by saying that I honest to god appreciate the official Youth constituency (YOUNGO) just for existing.  I am so glad that these people (you!) are here. If nothing else we are all on the same side (yes, there are sides) and I recognize the need for a loud, unified voice. I like the set up a lot; the horizontal, decentralized organization of spokes council. I’m not sure I can speak to how close the reality is to the idea of that structure, but I have been noticing things which do concern me regarding the generalities of YOUNGO.

My main issue is that YOUNGO seems inherently conservative. A consensus approach inevitably yields this result I suppose, but it is frustrating nonetheless. In my view, the youth constituency is here on the inside to be a breath of fresh air. An antidote to the torpor, inertia and squabbling that plagues these stifling corridors. Instead, we suffer from many of the same ailments as the governments we criticize. There is an ambition gap, most clearly illustrated by the question: why are you here? If we are here to be a foot in the door for the rest of the world, for the front lines and the vulnerable, then we should act one way. If we are here only to network and ensure a career in international relations, then we should act another way. You see the difference in those ambitions? Sometimes it seems that youth are happy to just be on the inside, flattered and flattened into docility and harmlessness by the attention of powerful men and women like Christina Figueras. The insistence on being harmless, the insistence on adopting always a cautious approach, does not help if we are here to raise a voice for the voiceless. Harmlessness only helps if we are here to help ourselves. Our constituency status is not worth our tacit consent in continued unfairness of the world. It should not be enough that we are here. It should not be enough even that we are here and that we care. We have an opportunity, and therefore a responsibility, to shake things up.

This is not intended to be a swipe at the YOUNGO or anyone in it, and I hope anyone reading does not take it as such. Like I said, I love you, but, like Zizek said to the Occupiers, you must not fall in love with yourself. Leave the self-congratulating, ego-boosting nonsense to the ones who do it best – world leaders. Don’t become enamored with the process, don’t become enamored with yourself, don’t become enamored with whatever lick or taste of power you may get: remember why you are here.

This weekend the African ministers come to town. And next week the ‘high level’ segment of COP17 starts. Most of us won’t be in the rooms where the talks happen – regardless of whether or not we have a pink ‘Party’ badge. The real decisions are being made in the green room style. The real impacts, though, will be felt on the outside; by some of us, but mostly by those whose voice we purport to carry into this space. What would they say to delegates and ministers? Well, what have they said–in Zucotti, in Tahrir, in Syria and in Appalachia? Enough is enough is enough. They have said “we are tired of being fed empty promises. “We know our responsibilities, do you know yours?” Yes. Our responsibility is to carry the momentum of this year into the ICC compound. For governments, the responsibility is to serve their people. For all of us on the inside, I see that issue of responsibility as the most crucial element of this whole regime. It is in fact built into the Convention, in the principles of historical responsibility and common but differentiated responsibilities. No matter what happens, we must remain clear on that.

Climate From Space!

by Joe Perullo

I decided to spend this morning perusing around the display counters.  They are mostly NGOs, national environment departments, and institutions who have something to say about what their doing in the fight for a more livable world.  I wanted to lean about the cool things some people are doing before I would be swamped trying to follow the political insanity bound to come in the second week of the negotiations, although I admit it was a nice break from all the note-taking.

Just past the Humane Society International and the International Research in Agroforestry booths, I came across a booth, like any other, entitled European Space Agency.  It struck me that the ESA would have something to say about climate change or human rights.  Were they feeling the need to defend the carbon released from sending rockets out of the atmosphere?  That wasn’t really an issue I’ve some across…

It appeared that the man at the booth didn’t get much company—he was quite eager to tell me why he was there. Apparently, the ESA has recently found a new vigilante-esque career path.  They plan on developing their satellite photography technology to provide information on climate change.  What are the implications?  Well, right now a lot of scientific research on climate change is limited to countries’ willingness and ability to conduct it.  Or, perhaps the data exists but is not publicized because of political suppression.  Since there are (currently) no territorial or legal barriers in space, there’s no thing stopping the truth from being revealed.  Very cool…

I admit that science is one of my weakest subjects, so I wasn’t terribly interested in taking any more information the man tried to hand me.  Also, my bag was getting quite heavy from half a tree’s worth a brochures and guidebooks from the many other booths.  I wished him the best of luck in his agency’s efforts, and continued on to G3: GreenEconomy, Gender, Gerecht.

Sometimes I forget that COP is not just negotiations.  Of course climate policy dominates, and the amount to learn from it is endless, but fighting climate change, poverty, and gender inequality is not done solely within the UN.  As a human-ecologist, it makes me wonder where I can be the most effective change-maker.

On that note, I must get back to synthesizing my notes on some press conferences…

Julian’s Intervention


Yesterday Julian Velez, representing the youth, had the great opportunity to give an intervention during the Conference of the Parties serving as the Meeting of the Parties (CMP), the main negotiating body that works under the Kyoto Protocol. The ability for civil society to give interventions is one of the only official avenues within the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change to express positions on specific topics. Although valuable, these two-minute interventions are still a very small window. At the very least, these interventions are a space for youth to push lines, express ideas that can challenge and give a voice to under-addressed issues.

The text was drafted by a small team of youth and then approved by the larger youth constituency.

__________

My name is Julian and I am a youth delegate from Mexico representing the Youth constituency.

Despite the commendable decision to suspend CDM coal projects, the youth  constituency has significant concerns in regards to the design and implementation of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM).

While the CDM has been presented as an opportunity to facilitate technology transfer, there is a significant economic bias towards rapidly emerging economies and minimal engagement with least developed countries.

We also share similar concerns to a number of governmental and non-governmental bodies, including the International Indigenous Peoples Forum on Climate Change, in relation to the problematic framework of carbon markets.

Furthermore, we are seriously concerned about the potential for CDM projects to  contribute to Human Rights abuses. To date, CDM projects have resulted in forced relocation, loss of land and multiple violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

For example, in July 2011, the Aguan biogas project was registered despite evidence that the project developer was connected to violent land conflicts. Last month, the Agros CDM reforestation project also prompted a request to the U.N. Secretary General that the project be deregistered and banned from receiving carbon credits, as it was using illegally-seized land.

Despite evidence of human rights abuses in both cases, the CDM Executive Board has argued that it has no mandate to address the issue of human rights and that the responsibility lies with the host country.

Additionally, the Conference of the Parties has recognized the importance of human
rights in all climate change related actions, including the selection and review of projects.

The mandate of the CDM Executive Board must therefore be re-assessed and redefined to give force to the provisions of the UN Charter and other rules governing UN bodies.

Regardless of the outcomes of the negotiations of the Kyoto-Protocol, the CDM, or any reiteration of it, must correct its technology bias, address widespread concerns of its market approach, and safeguard the protection and rights of affected communities.