A Purposeful Media Presence

by Devin Altobello

For the privileged who have convened in Durban, South Africa this is a pivotal gathering with an expected outcome. A generation known as presumptive; entitled; social and languid is given a face lift here at COP 17 where optimism, concern for the planet and each other charges through the collective body of young climate justice advocates.

I am capturing this energy and optimism that my generation is adamant to share, knowing that climate politics is of global importance. Instead of an overwhelming sense of vulnerability and powerlessness, I’m observing an intensified reaction to hegemonic world powers and corporate greed from young people across the world. The youth are demanding that big polluters change their methods, corporations must be held accountable, and governments are obliged to develop strategies for carbon mitigation and comprehensive programs for environmental sustainability.

I have been shadowing the COA delegation, using video to document their presence at the COP and the engagement of youth in environmental climate politics and diplomacy. I’m beginning to cover a wide range of policy issues, among them the future of the Kyoto Protocol, clean technology, reproductive rights and health, and adaptation—the term used to assist nations in reducing their vulnerability to climate change impacts.

Being around tuned-in, turned-on people, turns my switch. It’s exciting for me to observe my colleagues so engrossed and involved in a decision-making process through the UN that brings together the voices of 192 nations. At the end of each day I have been writing detailed notes on the footage shot during that day as to inform my work the following day. When I return to campus in January, I look forward to revisiting this adventure and crafting a cohesive story arc in post-production.

 

Russia Presented a Possible Deal Braker

by Samuli Sinisalo

On wednesday, the COP plenary discussed Russias proposal to amend the UN Framework Convention on Climate change.

In the convention countries are divided into different cathegories – and have different responsibilities – according to their development status. These annexes are Annex 1, which includes all the developed countries. have legally binding emission reduction targets in the Kyoto Protocol.

There is also another annex, called the Annex 2. That is a group of countries who, in addition to the responsibilities laid out for all Annex 1 countries, have the responsibility to provide financial assisstance to the developing countries, or non-Annex 1 countries. In practice Annex 2 includes all the A1 countries, except the Eastern European economies in transition.

The developing countries are known non-Annex 1 countries. They have no legally binding emission reduction commitments under the Convention, or the the Kyoto Protocol. Their primary concern is development and poverty eradication – not cutting emissions.

The problem is that this division was created twenty years ago, in 1991. Since then a lot has happened – many countries that were underdeveloped two decades ago are now seen as the global economic engines, notably the BASIC countries, Brazil, South-Africa, India and China.

Especially the United States has had problems to accept emission reduction targets, while the BASICs have no obligations to reduce their emissions as they are non-Annex 1 countries.

On wednesday afternoon the the COP plenary discussed Russias proposal to add a mechanism to the convention that would enable this division from 1991 to be reviewed by the COP periodically. This idea received wide support from the COP, only Saudi-Arabia spoke against it saying that the historic responsibility that the developed countries have on climate change has not changed since 1991.

The President of COP 17 will take this proposal forward and take it to consultations. If designed carefully, this could help open the deadlock that climate negotiations have been in for several years.

The Initial African Presence

by Julian Velez

At the Conference of the Youth (COY7) the presence of the African youth was very noticeable, in fact they set the mood for the following three days. The “We Have Faith Youth Climate Justice Caravan” that had over a hundred and seventy youth brought a very strong sense of unity, inspiration and joyfulness to the conference. Their uplifted energy and strong commitment for taking action and connecting with the youth from around the world, occupied the atmosphere of the conference and also became a contagious attitude of engagement. It was a particularly binding agent for the rest of the African youth. All of this excitement and attitude of engagement that was harvested created the right ground for the South African Youth Climate Coalition to be formed with the vision of uniting all young South Africans across all borders in the fight for climate justice and a sustainable future. This was the main highlight of the conference.

I left with this experience to attend the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC).

The first thing at the Opening Plenary of the convention was the ceremony to present the new President of the COP17/CMP7 Maite Nkoana-Mashabane. With this also came the statements of the different parties that where representing different groups. The voices of the African countries and the Least Developed Countries (LDC´s) was very strong and advocated for big commitments specially form the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS), the Central African Group, and the Bolivarian Alliance of the Americas (ALBA) .

I can see that the fact that the conference is being held at an African country and that the President of the conference is African, can help set a certain tone for the conference That will allow  the position of the developing countries in particular the African ones to be more noticed. Not to mean that the agreements are going to favor the African positions but there will be more chance for that voice to be heard. Nevertheless I think that the outcome of the convention will not be very bright for the developing countries. There is a lot of empty political jargon that camouflages the deals that are not made in open meetings.

 

 

 

Climate-Stupid Agriculture @ the UNFCCC

by Trudi Zundel
With food security threatened throughout the developing world, the global community has been paying a lot more attention to the effect of climate change on agriculture. More volatile weather patterns makes planning crop rotations difficult; higher concentration of rain patterns, whether dry or wet spells, means that fields either dry out or wash away–and farmers have little indication of which pattern will come when. The 2°C warming that Parties agreed to in Cancun is predicted by the IPCC to result in a 4-5 degree warming across Africa, which would pose an unimaginable threat to agriculture in the region. Needless to say small-shareholder farmers, who constitute the majority of farmers worldwide, are in desperate need of resources to help them adapt to their new conditions.

One way of the best ways of adapting is to increase the resilience of the farming ecosystem–agroecology (or sustainable agriculture in general, but that definition can be interpreted in many ways) is a way of farming that is modelled after a natural ecosystem: incorporating biodiversity, compost, mulches, perhaps a bit of agroforestry.
One thing that’s important to know about soils is that they can take carbon out of the air. I’m not a soil scientist, but I trust that this is true. The “richer” or “healthier” a soil is, the more carbon it can fix, or sequester. Sustainable agricultural practices improve the soil sequestration rate—how much carbon soils are able to take out of the air. In an ideal world, this wouldn’t be a problem: farmers would have more resilient land, and more carbon would happen to be removed from the atmosphere. However, here in the sad reality of the UNFCCC, where profits take priority over people and the market reigns supreme, soil sequestration could be the death of a meaningful adaptation programme for agriculture. Policy-makers who are looking for new ways to mitigate climate change have latched onto this fact, and want to use soil carbon sequestration to create a new carbon offset market.
The World Bank has been subversively spearheading the idea of climate-smart agriculture— sustainable agriculture that is a triple-win: farmers increase food security, adapt to climate change, and carbon is mitigated. The Bank also happens to be one of the organizations most likely to profit from soil carbon markets. It is not interested in an agricultural work programme that would benefit the poor, but instead in the profits it thinks it can make from a market (after all, it is a bank first).
Many policy-makers are saying that climate-smart agriculture is the ideal intersection of adaptation and mitigation. The problem is that mitigation for offsets must be quantified. That means measuring, reporting, and verifying the amount of carbon stored in the soil–which leads to technocratic experts coming onto small-shareholders’ farms to tell them what practices will maximize soil sequestration. While land may end up being more resilient under these projects, it will most likely just be a co-benefit—despite claims from the World Bank and FAO of the opposite. farmers’ sovereignty over their own land will naturally be compromised if they don’t have complete control over their own practices. What’s worse, they’ll be dictated practices that maximize mitigation; there’s no money to be made off of adaptation for adaptation’s sake.

Where’s agriculture in the text?

We’re at a dangerous point now: for a few years Parties have been trying to push an agricultural work programme under Article 1. b. iv of the Bali Action Plan, which is “sectoral approaches to enhance mitigation.” If agriculture is under mitigation, there really is nothing guaranteeing funding for agricultural adaptation. There has been some talk in Durban about an agricultural work programme somewhere in adaptation… this is also not to be trusted. Given the rampant expansionism of carbon markets under REDD+, any inclusion of agriculture could be twisted to legitimize soil carbon markets.
Food and agricultural organizations are very excited about climate-smart agriculture; it actually seems to be becoming a buzz-word, appearing in several publications from different organizations. The side events about climate-smart appear to be focussed on justifying the need for sustainable agriculture in the first place: statistics, charts, and graphs about how innovation increases food security. I always forget that the world is far behind—the inherent value of sustainable agriculture isn’t assumed. Organizations in support of climate-smart agriculture are too focused on justifying the benefits of sustainable agriculture, and don’t understand the subtler threats of its place under mitigation (or don’t care).

It seems likely that agriculture will make it into the text somewhere in a Durban outcome, especially if a text is presented at the end like in Cancun. Zuma has publicly said that he wants a work programme for agriculture; the World Bank has been attended African agricultural ministerials all year to try and get them on board. In general, civil society seems wary of the work programme and its not-so-subtle connection to carbon markets.

 

Like I said in my last blog, developing countries have to be really, really wary of false solutions here in Durban. Countries are feeling pressure for a successful outcome, but aren’t willing to make any concessions—instead, they’re using their resources and creativity to assemble solutions that make them look good. An agricultural work programme looks good, especially given that this is an African COP, but it is a wolf very cleverly disguised in sheep’s clothing.