Technology Transfer and Intellectual Property Rights – Not as Scary as it Sounds

by Anjali Appadurai

The climate regime is huge, transboundary, multidimensional. The UNFCCC, being the only body facilitating multilateral negotiations on climate change, is made up of a maze of different issues and tracks. The fundamental premise of the climate debate is that developed and developing countries are responsible to different extents for the current level of global emissions, but are also vulnerable to different extents. Under the foundational principles of “historical responsibility”, “common but differentiated responsibility” and “polluter pays”, developed countries have the responsibility to support their developing neighbours in mitigation of and adaptation to the effects of climate change.

How can they support them? Through finance, through capacity-building, and through technology transfer. Tech Transfer is a crucial area under the UNFCCC. In order to fulfill the increasingly more stringent emissions targets that are imposed upon them, developing countries need access to clean technologies. There is a fundamental tension in the climate world: developed countries got to the level of affluence  they are at through intense carbon-heavy industrialization. Now developing countries want their chance to do the same, but we have already run out of atmospheric space. Providing access to clean technologies enables developing countries to develop “sustainably”, using fewer emissions. The idea is to transition to a low-carbon economy.

What are the problems with tech transfer within the UNFCCC? The most contentious one is the issue of Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs). IPRs, usually in the form of patents, limit access to transboundary flows of technology and information. You may have heard of IPRs in the context of their most controversial subject – generic pharmaceutical drugs. IPRs that are too restrictive give the market power over technologies that should (we think) be available to all countries who need them. They raise prices above the social optimal level, making technology and information too expensive for some and affordable for others. IPRs also grant the right to limit the development of certain technologies past a certain point – one of the things that make them particularly harmful for economies in transition. IPRs essentially block or limit access to clean technologies that would otherwise help developing countries with their mitigation targets; in fact, developed countries are required to provide these technologies. Article 4.5 of the Convention states:

The developed country Parties and other developed Parties included in Annex II shall take all practicable steps to promote, facilitate and finance, as appropriate, the transfer of, or access to, environmentally sound technologies and know-how to other Parties, particularly developing country Parties, to enable them to implement the provisions of the Convention. In this process, the developed country Parties shall support the development and enhancement of endogenous capacities and technologies of developing country Parties. Other Parties and organizations in a position to do so may also assist in facilitating the transfer of such technologies.

It’s a two-sided coin, though, because IPRs also provide incentive for innovation in clean technologies. The transition to a low-emission economy can only occur through constant development and refinement of new and existing technologies. Without IPRs, the private sector really has no incentive to keep producing technologies (or so they say). The challenge is to keep IPRs at a balanced level which allows for an adequate flow of information, technology and training across borders, while finding ways to incentivize innovation. It is here that the public sector comes in as a crucial component. There must be a balance between private IP rights and public policy regulation.

It is this balance that is a source of conflict within the UNFCCC. Some countries don’t believe that IPRs are too stringent, or that more transfer of information and technology is needed for increased mitigation. Some other countries firmly state that increased flows of technology are needed in order for countries to be able to transition to cleaner economies. Enter TRIPS, or Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights – an agreement under the World Trade Organization (WTO), and the most comprehensive standard in the world for minimum IPR protection. Article 7 of TRIPS states that the objective of IPRs should be to contribute “to the promotion of technological innovation and to the transfer and dissemination of technology, to the mutual advantage of producers and users of technological knowledge and in a manner conducive to social and economic welfare...” Article 8 also says that measures “may be needed to prevent the abuse of intellectual property rights by right holders or the resort to practices which … adversely affect the international transfer of technology.”

It sounds great, doesn’t it? Well, the devil is always in the details. It’s highly questionable whether TRIPS actually facilitates a fair balance between technology transfer and IPRs. It doesn’t, for example, provide a comprehensive framework for national and international policies – which is of course an essential component in the IPR/tech transfer balance. Also, prior to the creation of TRIPS, over 40 countries didn’t provide patent protection to pharmaceutical companies. TRIPS granted these companies all the patent protection they wanted and more. If IPRs provide incentive for the private sector to innovate, couldn’t the public sector provide alternative incentives to achieve the same thing? Perhaps subsidies? Well TRIPS also calls for that, but studies have shown very little connection between what its member countries end up doing and what the Agreement itself calls for. There are no safeguards, no follow-up mechanisms to make sure that technology is being delivered. TRIPS has been widely criticized for facilitating the redistribution of wealth disproportionately to the private sector, as well as imposing IPR laws on sectors or countries that would otherwise have had less stringent standards, thereby creating an artificial shortage of information and technology. By trying to facilitate global technology transfer by regulating IPR laws, TRIPS actually limits some countries while giving other countries (or rather, their private sectors) way too much leeway. It actually limits both innovation and technology transfer while limiting access to crucial technologies such as life-saving drugs, but let’s return to its relevance under the UNFCCC…

TRIPS provides a number of flexibility mechanisms which provide room for countries to adjust their own IPR laws in certain sectors. There are a few types of flexibilities, including compulsory licensing, exceptions to patent rights, and voluntary licenses. Within the UNFCCC, there is currently a heated debate going on about the inclusion of TRIPS flexibilities in the official text of the Convention, giving developing countries some allowances for the increase transfer of clean technology. India is the most vociferous proponent and the original Party to spearhead this debate. Obviously, developed countries have no intention of allowing the UNFCCC to punch some holes in their airtight IPR and trade regimes. Their argument is that TRIPS is a separate entity form the UNFCCC, and should not be dragged into climate talks. To this developing countries reply that TRIPS is the most comprehensive multilateral agreement on IPRs and therefore is the most effective mechanism to target in order to create an optimal clean technology regime. India has been joined by many other developing countries – most notably Ecuador, Bolivia, Bangladesh and China – in calling for a full discussion of the limits of IPR within the discussions of technology transfer under the UNFCCC. IPRs are a contentious issue and talks over these are kept very hush-hush at the conference, which is why I probably won’t be writing updates in this area until the very end when official decisions are made.

There is plenty more to come on technology transfer under the UNFCCC – IPRs are just the tip (or rather, TRIP) of the iceberg, but they are one of the main blockages to tech transfer at this conference.

Against the grain: who’s fighting the Carbon Markets?

by Joe Perullo

The Conference of the Parties serving as the Meeting to the Parties under the Kyoto Protocol, also known as the CMP, began today with the issue of the Clean Development Mechansim (CDM).  Martin Hession, the Chair of the CDM Executive Board (CDM EB), opened the discussion with a report of improvements made to the CDM.  These included improved verifications of proposed projects and words like “[improved] efficiency” and “effectiveness.” It all sounded vague and unreliable, but nothing more substantive could have been hoped for for when the country delegates took the floor.

Most country delegates praised the CDM EB.  Many of them began their speeches recognizing the hard work and progress the CDM EB has made.  These opinions came from both developed and developing countries.  There is no surprise that developed country members were in complete approval of the CDM, since it is the most economic way they can meet their commitments.  As for developing country members, there are two strategies I see for their approvals of the CDM. Although many CDM projects have empirically had harmful long term effects in developing countries, it is clear that many developing countries see the CDM as the only way to encourage financial investment from the global north. Another reason is that developing countries may recognize that the CDM is one of the only things keeping many developed country parties committed to the Kyoto Protocol.

Venezuela was one of the few countries who harshly criticized the CDM.  Its statement was short but included the underrated fact that offsets have led to increased carbon emissions.  No other member addressed this issue.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo was in favor of the CDM provided that there would be a second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol.

The discussion on the CDM winded down with a member of the World Bank.  Her statements were very optimistic in regards to the CDM’s future. Specifically, the World Bank hoped to see improved access to the CDM to developed countries and finds the CDM to be an important bridge to new market mechanisms.

Most of the opposition to carbon markets seems to come from third parties such as civil society. A speech given by the youth, in particular by our very own Julian Velez, was extremely counter to what was said by most parties.

The interests and world views that I’ve seen define the carbon markets are appearing more and more complex to me.  Yesterday I got a chance to ask Hession if he would be willing to let me interview him.  He agreed, but I have yet to hear back from him…

The Tragedy of the Least Developed Countries

by Graham Reeder and Nathan Thanki

While there are more controversial and contentious issues regarding financing for adaptation (the report on the GCF today in COP plenary, or the report from the Adaptation Fund Board to CMP plenary), there are some interesting discussions going on elsewhere.

For example, in yesterday’s continued opening plenary of the Subsidiary Body for Implementation, Uganda stirred things up with a vivacious and biting criticism of the Global Environment Facility (GEF)(read World Bank) and it’s role in funding adaptation to climate change. They started by pointing out how the failure of current National Adaptation Programmes of Action (NAPAs) is entirely due to the slow and inadequate financing of the GEF. When Uganda developed their NAPA plan in 2007 to deal with urgent adaptation needs, they were expecting the project to be funded and implemented as was mandated by the UNFCCC. A year later they got their project back saying that they needed to change their implementing agency because their chosen partner (UNEP) was incapable of handling a project of that size. Who the GEF would have preferred instead is unclear. Unfortunately for the GEF, Uganda does it’s homework, and decided to conduct some follow up research. Speaking with permission of Gambia on behalf of the LDC group, Uganda pointed out that UNEP has implemented even larger programmes than theirs, and therefore has both the relevant capacity and experience. Uganda maintained in no uncertain terms that the GEF had no right to dictate such terms. The NAPAs are supposed to be country driven, and are not another excuse for the World Bank to get their fingers into the development plans of the Least Developed Countries. Following up today, the LDC group went on to complain that the GEF, through its Least Developed Country Fund (LDCF), has only funded NAPAs even though there are many other activities that need urgent attention under the LDC work programme.

As countries move into the next phase of adaptation to climate change, parties like Uganda and Bangladesh want to make sure that things actually get moving; they are sick of being asked to put their own resources into developing plans that don’t get funded or implemented. Uganda gracefully pointed out that the principal of urgent and immediate needs which the NAPAs are meant to address aren’t so relevant when they finally get implemented 80 years down the road. Urgent needs are urgent needs after all. But the lack of urgency in helping LDCs respond to climate change is, in their own words, “disappointing and depressing.” The question of the Ugandan delegate highlights: what is the point of having a fund (LDCF) if access to that fund was difficult bordering on impossible? In a break away contact group on finance under SBI, Colombia made similar points about a lack of understanding that climate change is happening right now, and its impacts are being felt RIGHT NOW. She added that of all the projects the LDCF had assisted with transfer of technologies, only 2 had been for adaptation.

On top of the dire state of adaptation funding there are the severe problems that the developing world has with the GEF as the financial mechanism. There are problems with transparency around how much money is in the funds, where it is from, where it goes, who asked for it and so on. There are even more problems with transparency around the decision making process. And while the SBI and COP can make recommendations to the GEF, it is not enough. There are too many problems, too many bad experiences, and too much bad blood. It is clear why a new fund (the GCF) with a guaranteed 50% window for adaptation and answerable to the COP is so desireable.

The Ugandan intervention was definitely one of the more lively and honest that we’ve seen in this COP, but as the rich of the world continuously refuse to commit to emissions reductions while at the same time stall and backtrack on promises of adequate, additional, scaled-up and predictable funding, we can expect more of the same. It’s the same old refrain: time is running out. For some it already has.

worried about the next COP already…

-Nathan Thanki

It was just announced in the AWG-LCA (Ad-hoc working group for long-term cooperative action) that COP18 is going to be in…wait for it…Qatar!

What are the chances of the Emir, Hamad Bin Khalifa al Than, allowing for any loud and large civil society presence?

What are the chances that a Qatari COP-Presidency keeps the process open to all?

What hopes could we have (and, of course, much depends on how bad things could get here) of ever coming to a global emissions reduction agreement that is in line with the science to keep us below 2 degree warming?

Practical considerations and personal egos/relationships really do have a big impact on negotiations, policy, and therefore but for now, thoughts back to the talks here in Durban…

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